By Dr. Yosay Wangdi
NEW YORK, February 17 – Tibet electrifies people’s imagination with images of exotic people who once dwelled in a “Shangri-la” world. True, Tibet is spiritually distinct, yet it is also a country that has witnessed tremendous upheavals in the wake of invasion by the forces of the Chinese People’s Liberation Army. In 1959 Tibet witnessed the flight of His Holiness the Dalai Lama and approximately 80,000 Tibetans to northern India. Since then a Tibetan Government-in-Exile has been established in Dharamsala, India, with a sound infrastructure. It functions with a Cabinet (Kashag) and an Assembly elected by members of the exile community worldwide.
Approximating 130,000, the Tibetan exiles are concentrated in India, Nepal and Bhutan. In recent years the exile community has been emigrating from these regions in South Asia to countries around the world. While a small percentage has immigrated to Australia, the Far East, Canada, Britain, Denmark, Norway and Sweden, a higher percentage has settled in Switzerland. Over the last fourteen years, the United States Government has been actively working with the Exile Government in its efforts to aid the Tibetans in exile.
Wangyal, a 62-year-old Tibetan from Jonta Dzong (district) in Derge, Tibet, recalled painfully his 22 years in prison (1959-1982). He said, during the “dark days of the Cultural Revolution” many Tibetans were killed and many committed suicide. When I asked him what kept him alive. His answer was “hope”. He had hoped that some day the U.S. would come to the “aid” of Tibet. Wangyal’s “hope” may appear farfetched. In retrospect, albeit the early and failed U.S. pledge to extend material assistance to support the Tibetan resistance against the Chinese occupation, the recent U.S. interest in the Tibetan situation is viewed with much optimism by Tibetans both in exile and in Tibet.
Western interest in Tibet and its people received a tremendous boost, following His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s visit to the United States in 1979. His address to American politicians, scholars, scientists, religious groups and in particular his meetings with President Bill Clinton and George W. Bush—though as a religious leader—have been welcomed as very positive.
On September 21, 1987, in an address to the United States Congressional Human Rights Caucus, the Dalai Lama put forth his Five Point Peace Plan for Tibet. The Plan called for the transformation of Tibet into a zone of peace, end to China’s population transfer policy, respect for the fundamental rights and freedoms of the Tibetan people, protection of Tibet’s environment and an end to any nuclear activity in Tibet, and sincere negotiation on the future status of Tibet.
This public appeal popularized as the “Middle Way” was introduced to the Chinese government and the European Parliament in Strasbourg in June 1988. In it, the Dalai Lama elaborated the final point of his peace plan. He said the whole of Tibet—that is U-Tsang, Kham and Amdo—should become a self-governing entity “in association with the People’s Republic of China,” and that the PRC could remain responsible for Tibet’s foreign policy and could maintain limited military installations for defence purposes.
Even at the cost of disappointing the Tibetan people both inside Tibet and in Diaspora, this “Middle Path” represented the exile government’s genuine willingness to compromise. Despite its conciliatory position and despite giving up the demand for independence, the PRC rejected the Strasbourg Proposal as a call for “disguised form of independence.” Since then, all attempts to discuss have ended in rebuffs. In April 1997 during his visit to Washington, the Dalai Lama told reporters he only seeks autonomy and not independence for Tibet.
The recognition of Tibet by the U.S. Congress as an occupied country was celebrated by Tibetans as a triumph in their struggle. Despite President Reagan’s 1986 statement that Tibet is part of the People’s Republic of China, the U.S. Congress recognized Tibet as an occupied country. In section 355 of Public Law 1991, Congress stated that “Tibet, including those areas incorporated into the Chinese provinces of Sichuan, Yunnan, Gansu, and Qinghai, is an occupied country under the established principles of international law; [and that] Tibet’s true representatives are the Dalai Lama and the Tibetan Government in exile as recognized by the Tibetan people…”
However, the initial euphoria among Tibetans and their supporters following this recognition has given way to the understanding that the U.S. is dedicated in its policy of not upsetting the Chinese leadership. Since this statement was not intended to require the U.S. President to make a new national interest determination specific to Tibet, critics have argued that this recognition has no effect on U.S. policy toward China.
The U.S. has commended the Dalai Lama’s decision to give up independence, and since November 1997, the U.S. Administration has appointed a Special Coordinator to help facilitate dialogue between the Dalai Lama and Beijing. The U.S. does not support Tibetan independence but maintains its policy is to preserve Tibet’s unique religious, cultural and linguistic heritage.
Should the Tibetans be optimistic of this renewed U.S. interest? The U.S. has clearly stated that its effort is part of its objective to promote the protection of human rights in China. During his Presidency, Jimmy Carter relentlessly emphasized human rights in U.S. foreign policy.
In recent years, driven by economic opportunities, hundreds of thousands of non-Tibetans (mostly Chinese) have moved to Tibet to work in development projects and other service industries. In the early 1950s there were no Chinese living in Tibet. But today, in Lhasa city the non-Tibetan floating population is estimated at 200,000 which is roughly half the registered permanent population of 400,000.
True the Dalai Lama has consistently advocated non-violence. Yet, ethnic strife around the world has clearly demonstrated the consequences of failing to respect human rights. Therefore, it becomes very important that the U.S. Special Coordinator makes serious efforts to address and bring the human right issue in Tibet on the table of U.N. meetings.
Since the late 1980s, the U.S. has made special efforts to work with the exile government. Under Section 134 of the U.S. 1990 Immigration Act, sponsored by Congressman Barney Frank, Edward Kennedy and Tom Lantos, 1000 immigration visas were issued to Tibetan refugees from India and Nepal. According to reports, some 10,000 applications were received. The successful rehabilitation of the 1000 immigrants in different parts of the U.S. depended on American sponsors and Tibetan co-sponsors.
Initially sponsored by the New York Tibet Fund, the new arrivals were received at the airport and carefully coached to adjust to the new environment. Lacking proper education, most of them were employed as unskilled laborers. A small percentage were professionals such as nurses, accountants and teachers and some students. Although falling within the purview of the international definition of refugee as contained in the 1951 United Nations Convention relating to the Status of Refugees and its 1967 Protocol which has been incorporated into U.S. law, political considerations dictated that Tibetans be categorized as immigrants and not refugees. According to U.S. government agencies, Tibetan immigrants arrive with documents from India, Nepal and other countries and hence do not qualify for refugee status in the U.S. This is indicative of how the refugee is reconceptualized in various institutions. Consequently, this classification made them ineligible for refugee assistance from the government.
Between April 1992 to June 1993, the 1000-immigratnts were settled in twenty-one U.S. cities. In 1995 the immigrants were able to bring their family members, whose number is estimated to be 3,500. Since then, most of them have taken U.S. citizenship, as this enables them to participate in the political processes of the country. In subsequent years their number appears to have increased several-fold as more continue to arrive through legal and other means. The current estimation is between 6,500 and 8,500.
This spate of Tibetans to the U.S. has increased the numbers of Tibetans in neighboring Canada from a mere 240 in the 1970s to close to 2000 today. Of these, adults comprise over 70 percent, the youth about 20 percent and children and elders comprise a comparatively very small number. Clustered in Vancouver, Calgary, Toronto and Montreal, the Tibetan community actively participates in the activities of the Canada Tibet Committee to promote awareness of the Tibet issue.
In the U.S. the community is spread from the East Coast to the West Coast. They are clustered mostly in urban centers such as Washington, DC, New York City and Boston in the Northeast; Chicago, Madison and Minneapolis in the Midwest; Salt Lake City, Santa Fe and Denver in the Central-West; Los Angeles and San Francisco in California; and Seattle and Portland in the Northwest. Of these Minneapolis and New York City have the highest numbers. Comparatively, both areas seem to attract more Tibetans due to the better infrastructure and employment opportunities.
Tibetans in these areas are employed in a variety of professions that range from business, administration, teaching, health and nursing services, to housekeeping, and unskilled jobs.
Like Canada the pattern of age group distribution in the U.S. indicates over 80 percent adults followed by the youth and children with a very small percentage of elders. It is to be noted that these figures are rough estimates since the inflow continues and not everyone in the country is accounted for. The several Tibetan Associations keep the community well connected and informed. A Newsletter maintained by the North American Chitue (member of the Tibetan Parliament in Exile) keeps the community informed of all decisions taken by the exile government. In general Tibetan immigrants in North America are doing very well both economically and in bringing the Tibet issue to the focus of the American public and the politicians.
An American friend once told me this little anecdote about Tibetans in Utah. It seems the Mormon community of Utah befriends everyone with a missionary zeal except the Tibetans, as they are aware of how imbued Tibetans are in their culture and tradition. Having a strong sense of community and acutely conscious of their distinct identity, Tibetans have so far successfully retained their Tibetan-ness in a very foreign environment. With the support of the Dalai Lama’s Office of Tibet in New York and with Tibet support groups such as, Students for Free Tibet, International Campaign for Tibet based in Washington D.C., the U.S.-Tibet Committee in New York City, Friends of Tibet, and Hollywood celebrities like Richard Gere, Tibetans continue to actively promote the cause of Tibet. Free Tibet Concerts, hunger strikes and demonstrations against the Chinese occupation of Tibet are events that draw much media attention. Opera troupes and Tibetan monks from India and Nepal regularly tour North America, familiarizing the Western audience with Tibet’s rich cultural heritage and keeping the Tibet issue alive and burning.
The Dalai Lamas’s special envoy in the region is Lodi Gyari. On Sept 30, 2002, under The Foreign Relations Authorization Act of 2002-2003, the Tibetan Policy Act was signed into law by President George W. Bush. Considered to be the most comprehensive legislation passed by the U.S. Government on Tibetan affairs, its principal task is to help the Tibetans and encourage efforts to find a negotiated solution for Tibet.
Under this Act, the U.S. Special Coordinator for Tibetan issues is expected to promote substantive dialogue between the Government of the People’s Republic of China and the Dalai Lama and his representatives, foster a policy to protect the distinct religious, cultural, linguistic, and national identity of Tibet, press for respect for human rights, and consult Congress on policies relevant to Tibet, its future and the welfare of the Tibetan people.
In addition, the Act makes a pledge to support and monitor the economic development of Tibet, to request access to prisons and release of Tibetan prisoners, to urge the PRC to stop religious persecution in Tibet and to require the Tibetan language training for U.S. Foreign Service officers in the PRC responsible for monitoring developments in Tibet. Provisions have been made by the U.S. Congress to provide financial assistance including scholarships to Tibetans in India and Nepal. For the fiscal year 2003, the amount of $2,000.000 was authorized as humanitarian aid to Tibetan refugees in India and Nepal. The entire U.S. financial aid is allocated by the exile government to support the continuous inflow of new refugees arriving from Tibet.
Tibetans at large feel positive about the U.S. interest and economic aid package. Indeed, this is a leap from the unsuccessful events of 1948 when the first Tibetan delegation led by Tsepon Shakabpa, representative of the Tibetan Government in Lhasa to Washington D.C. was refused an audience with the then U.S. President, Harry S. Truman, whose chief concern was to avoid any tension with China. However, if U.S. interest and sympathy is simply confined to a one-time immigration package, economic aid and occasionally raising the human right issue with China, then its efficacy to seeking any solution of the Tibet crisis seems difficult to accomplish, because the question of human right abuse in Tibet is tied to the larger problem of occupation. For now, only time will tell how “truly” beneficial this renewed U.S. interest and sympathy will be for the future of Tibet and its people.
Dr. Yosay Wangdi is assistant professor in the Department of History at Grand Valley State University in Allendale, Michigan
